By John de Graaf, David Wann, Thomas H. Naylor
Author note: ahead via Annie Leonard
affluenza, n. a painful, contagious, socially transmitted of overload, debt, nervousness, and waste as a result of the dogged pursuit of more.
We attempted to provide you with a warning! The 2008 fiscal cave in proved how resilient and hazardous affluenza will be. Now in its 3rd version, this ebook can correctly be referred to as prophetic in displaying how difficulties starting from loneliness, unending operating hours, and relatives clash to emerging debt, environmental toxins, and rampant commercialism are all indicators of this worldwide plague.
The new edition strains the function overconsumption performed within the nice Recession, discusses new how one can degree social well-being and good fortune (such because the Gross household Happiness index), and gives coverage suggestions to make our society extra simplicity-friendly. The underlying message isn’t to prevent buying—it’s to recollect, constantly, that the simplest issues in lifestyles aren’t issues.
Read or Download Affluenza: How Overconsumption Is Killing Us and How to Fight Back (3rd Edition) PDF
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Extra info for Affluenza: How Overconsumption Is Killing Us and How to Fight Back (3rd Edition)
In other words, who regulates the regulator? Of course, no one person does. There is an implicit trust in the way that economists as a group monitor themselves and are trained, and it is this trust that underpins society’s trust in them as regulators. ” Environmental regulation The classic environmental policy question faced by society is what to do with entities that pollute some public space with their activities. Examples include industries that pump dangerous toxins into the air as by-products of what they produce, individuals who pollute the public space with their garbage, and countries that over-ﬁsh the oceans to the extent that global ﬁsh stocks are threatened, to the detriment of all other countries’ ﬁshing industries.
In the original survey of American Economic Association (AEA) members in 1977 (Kearl, Pope, Whiting, and Wimmer 1979), some 97% of the responding economists agreed with the statement that “tariffs and import quotas usually reduce general economic welfare,” and only 16% of those who agreed did so with some provisions. Fifteen years later, a general survey (Alston, Kearl, and Vaughan 1992) of American economists, including those in business, academia, and government 6 Although not the central goal of domestic policy makers, foreign suppliers’ welfare is also higher in the absence of import restrictions.
Although mainstream economics has no place for this dynamic, there seem to be such things as appeals to these “group ideals” to which many people truly respond, and which moreover can generate aggregate responses that signiﬁcantly reduce the material costs of attaining good societal outcomes. Clearly, groups cannot just ask their members for anything, or else there would be no need for competition regulation. 9 Viscusi, Huber, and Bell (2011) note the existence and relevance of these social norms in the case of water-bottle recycling in the US, though they argue that their predictive effect is entirely captured by the policies that change the economic incentives.
Affluenza: How Overconsumption Is Killing Us and How to Fight Back (3rd Edition) by John de Graaf, David Wann, Thomas H. Naylor